The
results from the US primary elections in recent days have thrown up a
fascinating contest for the Presidential nominations of both parties. In an
earlier column i had observed that if other countries' elections are like a Test
match, the US elections are like an entire Test series, with an ODI tournament
thrown in. Both Democrats and Republicans have begun their campaigns with
keenly-contested ODIs, with honours even after two unexpected results, and each
no longer has a clear uncontested
frontrunner.
Despite her
stunning comeback —against the odds and despite the polls — in New
Hampshire, where she benefited from a 57% turnout of women voters, Senator
Hillary Clinton is no longer the undisputed leader of the pack of Democrats. For
over a year she was Snow White leading the seven dwarves, with such a commanding
lead in all the national polls that her nomination by her party as its candidate
for President seemed a foregone conclusion. But Senator Barack Obama's earlier
triumph in Iowa —a state 96% white, where no pundit would have given a
black candidate a snowman's chance in Dindigul of winning — has ensured
that there are at least two horses in the race, and that Senator Clinton will
not simply canter towards an inevitable coronation at the Democratic Convention
this summer.
Suddenly, the
traditional place of Iowa and New Hampshire in American electoral mythology
— that of the states which establish the early momentum which candidates
then ride to the nomination —seems less secure. Though Senator Clinton
seems to have arrested the Obama surge that followed her youthful rival's
initial triumph in Iowa, she cannot take a lead for granted: the action now
shifts to Nevada, which holds its contest on January 19, and where Senator Obama
holds a slender advantage in the polls, and then to South Carolina, where the
contest is on January 26 and where a significant minority of Democratic voters
— over 30% — is black. These primaries are followed by "Super
Tuesday" — simultaneous contests in a large number of significant states
on February 5. These include California, New York, Illinois, Michigan, and
Florida, which are all voting earlier than ever before and whose rich delegate
slates will weigh heavily in the race for the nomination.
Unlike in Iowa and New
Hampshire, where candidates routinely accost voters in their homes or in
'diners' (local restaurants), campaigning in these big states requires TV
advertising, which in turn requires big money. The set of numbers that will
matter in the weeks before February 5 are not the votes cast but the dollars
raised. There both Clinton and Obama are evenly poised; the man struggling in
third place, the party's former vice-presidential nominee John Edwards, might
yet discover that the thinness of his wallet (he is the only one of the trio to
accept public financing for his campaign, which places restrictions on how much
he can spend) could doom his
candidacy.
A few readers have
written in to remind me that i am yet to keep my promise of some months back to
review the Republican field. I had not forgotten; i was simply waiting for the
field to be winnowed a bit. That it has since I first described the campaign on
this page, with the withdrawal of a good friend of India, Senator Sam Brownback,
and the evident irrelevance of two extreme right-wing Congressmen, Tom Tancredo
and Duncan Hunter, whose candidacies barely register in the polls. But whereas
the Democrats are clearly in a two-horse race (or two-and-a-half, in case
Edwards still pulls a surprise, perhaps in the South from which he hails), the
Republicans have no fewer than four frontrunners. There is the grizzled veteran
John McCain, who triumphed in New Hampshire after trailing there for months; the
social conservative (a polite way of saying "Christian fundamentalist") Mike
Huckabee, who won Iowa to general astonishment and widespread disbelief (he does
not, for instance, believe in evolution); the former New York mayor and
anti-terrorism hawk, Rudy Giuliani, who still leads in nationwide polling and
who has been conserving his energy and resources for the big states; and the
former Massachusetts governor, Mitt Romney, who still looks the most
"presidential" of the pack, but whose polished smoothness and custom-tailored
changes of position have raised serious doubts about his sincerity. Any of them
has a plausible chance of claiming the nomination —McCain has experience
on his side, Huckabee has the evangelicals and the blue-collar vote, Giuliani
the national security-minded gun-toters and Romney the
money.
The picture should
become clearer in a month's time, when the fallout of February 5 might also
witness a shakeout in the ranks of the candidates. But for true American
politics buffs, the prospect that makes them salivate is that of the big states
dividing their favours in the primaries evenly amongst the contenders so that no
one emerges with an irresistible pile of delegates going into the party
conventions. Then the world will be treated to a sight not seen since 1952, when
the conventions really had to choose the candidates, instead of merely ratifying
the pre-ordained results of the primaries. The delegates chosen as a result of
the ongoing contests in the primaries are only bound for the first ballot at the
convention; thereafter they are free to vote their consciences, and surprises
can occur. There hasn't been a second ballot in either party convention for
decades, but numerous rounds have taken place in the past — most memorably
in 1920, when the Republicans, deadlocked over 102 ballots, finally picked
Senator Warren Harding of Ohio, who had to be pulled out of a brothel to accept
the nomination. The current crop of candidates is too decorous for anything
quite so colourful, but a deadlocked convention could even turn to a
non-candidate to break the impasse, a prospect some Democrats are wistfully
contemplating. Al Gore, anyone?