With
the Fourth of July, the USA's national holiday, just gone by, it seems a good
time to extend our look at American presidential politics. This is the first US
Presidential election since 1952 in which neither side is putting forward a
sitting president or vice-president, which makes it an unusually open contest.
And though the smart money is on the electorate choosing a Democrat in 2008
after eight years of an increasingly unpopular Bush presidency, nothing can be
taken for granted. Americans tend to vote for individuals rather than parties: a
lot depends on who exactly each party puts forward as its nominee for the top
job.
In the interests of full
disclosure, as they like to say in Washington, i should admit that i know some
of the candidates personally. I've met and spoken with four of the eight
Democrats and three of the 10 Republicans, but (though a couple of them call me
by my first name) i wouldn't describe any of them as a friend. So it's without
any personal bias that i say it's a hugely impressive roster of contenders, and
the chances are good that whoever the US elects in 2008 will be well worthy of
the office.
The polls point to
a clear frontrunner on the Democratic side: Senator Hillary Clinton of New York.
The former First Lady is smart, highly knowledgeable, and impressively
organised. She has raised the most money, assembled a capable staff and
dominated each of the debates so far. Her track record in her six years in the
Senate has also strengthened her credentials for office: she has worked
effectively with colleagues on both sides of the aisle, shown leadership on
national security questions (a presumed area of weakness for a female candidate
that she overcame by seeking a place on the Senate Armed Services Committee and
travelling to places like Iraq and Afghanistan), and delivered tangible results
for her home state. And she has the inestimable advantage of having in her
corner the most astute and charismatic politician in America, her husband,
former President Bill
Clinton.
But Hillary has
disadvantages too. She may have the highest numbers in the polls, but she also
scores the highest negatives. Her years in the White House made her a polarising
figure: she acquired her husband's enemies and developed a few of her own. Where
some people see a poised, pulled-together and articulate politician, others see
an Ice Maiden, one who comes across as too cold and calculating for their
comfort. She voted for the Iraq War resolution that authorised President Bush to
launch what has become America's most disastrous international misadventure
since Vietnam. And then there's her gender: whereas we in India are used to
powerful women politicians, there are no Mother Goddesses in American culture.
Some men still remain deeply suspicious of the prospect of entrusting power to a
woman, and some women, for reasons only psychologists can explain, say they
would vote for anyone rather than Hillary. The Republicans are said to relish
the prospect of coming up against her in 2008 — and indeed, "head-to-head"
polls show her losing in a hypothetical race against either former New York
Mayor Rudy Giuliani or Arizona Senator John McCain (though she would beat the
other Republicans).
The one
Democrat who, in these same polls, beats any possible Republican candidate is
Illinois Senator Barack Obama.
Obama is an extraordinary
candidate by any description: he's black, in a country where memories of
segregation and discrimination still run deep; he has been a national figure for
just two years, having been elected to the Senate only in 2004; he is the son of
a Kenyan Muslim, which explains his unusual name (made worse by the fact that
his middle name is Husain). Ordinarily, each of these three facts would have
been enough to prevent him having a realistic shot at the nomination. But
there's nothing ordinary about Barack Obama.
He electrified the nation with
a speech at the Democratic National Convention in 2004, which instantly made him
a star in the party; he has the kind of charisma that lights up a room as soon
as he walks into it; and he opposed the Iraq war from the start, which puts him
on the right side of an issue that may be a litmus test for many Democratic
voters. He's also highly intelligent, with a Harvard Law degree, a brilliant
speaker and a figure of boyish charm who reminds many (including JFK's
speechwriter Ted Sorensen) of the legendary President Kennedy. And he's raised
almost as much money as Hillary; though he still trails her in the polls of
likely primary voters, he has the resources to catch up. In the end, his lack of
experience and the handicap of belonging to a 'visible minority' could still
tell against him, but his entry into the race has brought an invigorating whiff
of fresh air into the
process.
The third major
Democrat in the fray is former Senator John Edwards, the party's
vice-presidential nominee last time around. Edwards has reinvented himself as a
left-of-centre populist, decrying the poverty in parts of America and recan-ting
his earlier support for the Iraq War. He hails from the South, a region the
Democrats need to make serious inroads into if they are to win a national
election, and he is a polished and attractive figure (though some worry that he
is too attractive: news of his $400 haircuts reminded Americans of the derisive
nickname 'the Breck Girl', implying that Edwards belongs in a shampoo commercial
rather than the Oval Office). If he scores well in the early primaries, however,
he could emerge as the white male alternative to either Hillary or Obama: it's
too early to discount him just
yet.
There are a number of
hugely impressive figures amongst the also-rans, notably Delaware Senator Joe
Biden, the chairman of the foreign relations committee and a true friend of
India, and New Mexico governor Bill Rich-ardson, a former ambassador to the UN
with a real talent for diplomacy. But neither scores more than 4% in the polls
and, barring the unexpected, may find it difficult to raise enough money to
sustain competitive candidacies as the primary elections
dawn.
We'll take a break and
return to the Republicans later.